move like this that would even give the appearance of support to the incumbent pri
me minister is — it will be viewed by some as problematic,” said Jonathan Schanzer, an expert at the Fo
undation for Defense of Democracies who has previously called for the US to recognize the Golan Heights.
But Schanzer pointed out that past US presidents have also sought to sway Israeli electi
ons. President Bill Clinton, for example, invited Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres to the White Ho
use to sign an anti-terror pact at the White House just under a month before Peres faced reelection.
Trump, though — who enjoys sky-high popularity in Israel — will welcome Netanyahu to the White House for meetings
and a dinner over two days just two weeks before Israeli elections. And he is handing Netanyahu an achievement sought by successive Israeli adm
inistrations.Trump has sought to leave his imprint on the politics of another close US ally, the United Kingdom.
After openly advocating for the United Kingdom to vote to leave the European Union as a presidential candidate, Trump as president has done little
to disguise his views of UK’s May and her handling of the matter, which has drawn scorn from all sides in the United Kingdom.
Hours before he met May at her Chequers estate outside London in July, the Sun newspaper published an interview with Trump in which he underc
ut his counterpart and suggested one of her political rivals, former London mayor Boris Johnson, might perform the job better.
pons, Kim said: “If I wasn’t ready for such a thing, I wouldn’t be here.” However, he wants the sanctions to be lifted in one fell swoop.
Given that Trump did not close the door on a deal in the future, and said that he would meet with Kim ag
ain sooner or later, it may be that he simply ran out of time to talk because he had to turn his attention elsewhere.
Certainly, from the Singapore summit in June to this week’s Hanoi meeting, the dramatic rapprochem
ent between the US and the DPRK — seemingly immutable adversaries — would not have been po
ssible without the strong political will for engagement demonstrated by both sides over the past year.
Each time this has appeared at risk of being lost, other important players involved in the d
enuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, in particular the Republic of Korea and China, have prov
ided the necessary will and support to keep the engagement alive, and set the stage for Washington and Pyongyang to add
ress core issues leading up to denuclearization. They will no doubt be offering their support this time, too.
Although the high hopes for the meeting have not been met
and there is a sense of disappointment, the high-level contacts between the two sides are likely to continue.